Nixonland

Notes

Book I

Chapter 1: Hell in the City of Angels

Chapter 1 vividly recounts the eruption of the Watts riots in Los Angeles in August 1965. The chapter contrasts the televised images of four days of intense urban violence, which KTLA broadcast live via helicopter, with the prevailing national mood of optimism and unity under President Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society initiatives and landmark civil rights achievements. Perlstein highlights the shock and disbelief of figures like LBJ in the face of this sudden "infernal holocaust", and details the chaotic governmental response to the crisis. The chapter concludes by introducing Richard Nixon, portraying him as a relentlessly ambitious figure navigating the political landscape of the era, foreshadowing his rise amidst the nation's fracturing consensus.

Chapter 2: The Orthogonian

Chapter 2 delves into Richard Nixon's formative years, tracing his relentless ambition and "clawing" nature from his difficult childhood through his early political career. It highlights his time at Whittier College where he, feeling like an outsider among the elite "Franklins," organized a club for fellow strivers called the Orthogonians, a group that embraced their unpolished status. The chapter chronicles his methodical and often ruthless rise, detailing key episodes like the Alger Hiss case and the "Checkers" speech, which solidified his image as a resilient, albeit controversial, political fighter. Perlstein portrays Nixon as a master of channeling resentments—both his own and those of a segment of the electorate who felt overlooked by the establishment. This chapter establishes the foundation of Nixon's political persona, built on an "us-versus-them" mentality that would later define "Nixonland".

The title "The Orthogonian" refers to a social club Richard Nixon co-founded at Whittier College for students, like himself, who were not part of the privileged campus elite known as the "Franklins". Nixon, portraying the Orthogonians as upright, "straight shooters" (a meaning he ascribed to the term, which literally means "at right angles"), rallied those who felt excluded. This identity of an outsider challenging the established, more polished "Franklins" became a defining characteristic of Nixon's political strategy and appeal, representing those who felt their hard work and traditional values were unappreciated by a perceived elite.

Chapter 3: The Stench

Chapter 3, "The Stench," delves into the racially charged political climate of 1964, particularly in California. It highlights the anxieties and resentments of white voters reacting to the Civil Rights Act and the push for fair housing. The chapter details how these fears were manipulated by politicians, contributing to a growing backlash against racial progress and desegregation. This period saw the rise of a "white backlash" as a potent political force, fueled by anxieties over changing neighborhoods and the perceived threat to the existing social order. The narrative underscores a deeply divided society where racial tensions were becoming increasingly explicit and politically exploited.

The chapter title, "The Stench," likely refers to the pervasive and morally offensive atmosphere of racial animosity, fear, and resentment that the chapter describes. It evokes the ugliness of the backlash against civil rights and the rising tide of racially motivated political maneuvering, suggesting a kind of moral decay or an unpleasant societal odor emanating from these prejudiced sentiments.

Chapter 4: Ronald Reagan

Chapter 4, "Ronald Reagan," chronicles Ronald Reagan's rise in California politics, culminating in his successful gubernatorial campaign. It details how Reagan, leveraging his Hollywood background and communication skills, articulated a conservative vision that appealed to voters disillusioned with social upheaval and government overreach. The chapter highlights his famous "A Time for Choosing" speech, which launched his political career by tapping into anxieties about communism, morality, and the direction of the country. Reagan's optimistic yet firm rhetoric, particularly in response to events like the Berkeley student protests, positioned him as a strong leader who promised to restore order and traditional values. His ascent marked a significant shift in the political landscape, harnessing a growing conservative movement.

Chapter 5: Long, Hot Summer

Chapter 5, "Long, Hot Summer," focuses on the summer of 1966, a period characterized by significant racial unrest and riots in American cities like Cleveland and Chicago. It details the escalating tensions between Black communities and law enforcement, rooted in poverty, discrimination, and a lack_of_opportunity. The chapter explores how these events deepened racial divisions across the country and shaped the political narrative, often fueling a white backlash. It also touches on Martin Luther King Jr.'s challenging campaign in Chicago to combat systemic racism and economic injustice, highlighting the immense resistance he encountered.

The title "Long, Hot Summer" directly refers to a phrase that gained common usage in the 1960s to describe summers marked by intense racial conflict and urban riots. By using this title, the chapter signals its focus on the specific summer of 1966 and the widespread social upheaval and violence that defined it, reflecting an atmosphere of crisis and escalating racial tensions.

Chapter 6: School Was in Session . . .

Chapter 6, "School Was in Session...," shifts its focus to the burgeoning student protest movements and the cultural clashes occurring on college campuses, particularly highlighting events at universities like Berkeley. It examines the rise of student activism, exemplified by the Free Speech Movement, and the broader societal anxieties these activities provoked. The chapter delves into how figures like Ronald Reagan used these campus conflicts to rally support by promising a return to "law and order," framing student protesters as a challenge to traditional American values. This period underscored a significant generational divide and highlighted universities as new frontlines in the era's social and political battles.

The title "School Was in Session..." is likely an ironic commentary on the period. While classes were technically ongoing, the "sessions" also refer to the intense, often disruptive, real-world lessons in activism, social change, and political conflict unfolding on campuses. The ellipsis suggests that the traditional purpose of "school" was being overshadowed or radically altered by these new, contentious forms of learning and engagement that were deeply unsettling to much of the country.

Chapter 7: Batting Average

Chapter 7, "Batting Average," examines the 1966 midterm elections and the significant Republican victories that signaled a national shift in political sentiment. It highlights how widespread anxieties regarding urban riots, crime rates, and the perceived excesses of student protests and the counterculture fueled support for candidates advocating "law and order." Democrats, often associated with President Johnson's administration and seen as less firm on these issues, experienced notable losses. The chapter also underscores Richard Nixon's strategic campaigning for Republican candidates, which helped him rebuild his political influence and set the stage for his own presidential ambitions by capitalizing on these societal fractures.

The title "Batting Average" is a metaphorical reference to the success rate of political candidates and parties in the 1966 elections, akin to a baseball player's hitting success. It specifically alludes to the strong performance — or high "batting average" — of the Republican Party and the candidates Nixon supported, reflecting their effectiveness in converting voter anxieties into electoral wins during that cycle.

Book II

Chapter 8: The Bombing

Chapter 8, "The Bombing," centers on the escalation of the Vietnam War, with a particular focus on President Lyndon B. Johnson's administration and the intensified aerial bombing campaigns, most notably Operation Rolling Thunder. It portrays the immense destruction inflicted upon Vietnam and the strategic and moral debates surrounding this policy. The chapter also describes the burgeoning anti-war movement in the United States, as public and international opinion increasingly turned against the conflict. The growing disillusionment and the human cost of the war, both in Vietnam and in terms of American lives and societal division, are key themes.

The title "The Bombing" directly refers to the U.S. military strategy of large-scale aerial bombardment in Vietnam during this period. It highlights this specific aspect of the war's conduct, emphasizing the destructive power, the controversial nature of the air campaigns, and their profound impact on the course of the war and public perception.

Chapter 9: Summer of Love

Chapter 9, "Summer of Love," chronicles the cultural and social phenomenon that took place in San Francisco's Haight-Ashbury district during the summer of 1967. It describes the convergence of thousands of young people who embraced an alternative lifestyle characterized by psychedelic drugs, rock music, free expression, and ideals of peace and love. This chapter contrasts the vibrant, and at times chaotic, counterculture with the grim realities of the Vietnam War and the racial tensions simmering elsewhere in the nation. The narrative explores both the utopian aspirations of the hippies and the mainstream societal reaction, which ranged from bemusement to outright condemnation, further highlighting America's deep cultural schisms.

The chapter title, "Summer of Love," is the well-known historical name for this specific period in 1967. It directly refers to the widespread media attention and public fascination with the hippie movement and its ethos that summer, capturing the essence of a unique cultural moment defined by its pursuit of alternative values and experiences.

Chapter 10: In Which a Cruise Ship Full of Governors Inspires Considerations on the Nature of Old and New Politics

Chapter 10, "In Which a Cruise Ship Full of Governors Inspires Considerations on the Nature of Old and New Politics," uses the unique setting of a cruise taken by prominent governors, including Nelson Rockefeller and Ronald Reagan, to analyze the evolving American political scene. It contrasts the established, traditional political styles (the "old") with the emerging, media-savvy, and culturally responsive approaches (the "new"), particularly exemplified by Reagan. The interactions and discussions aboard the ship serve as a lens to examine how political leaders were grappling with and adapting to the profound social changes and divisions of the late 1960s. The chapter likely explores the differing strategies and ideologies as these figures navigated a rapidly transforming electorate and national mood.

The chapter's somewhat elaborate title directly signals its narrative approach: it uses a specific event—a gathering of governors on a cruise—as a springboard to discuss broader themes of political transformation. The phrase "Inspires Considerations on the Nature of Old and New Politics" clearly states the author's intention to dissect the shifting dynamics, ideologies, and methods within the American political establishment during this turbulent period.

Book IV

Chapter 28: Ping Pong

1971; Nixon sets up channels of communication with China, plans visit; Pentagon papers are leaked by Ellsberg; WH starts hiring Hunt, Liddy, etc.; The Plumbers are formed; plans to break law to defame Ellsberg, break into/firebomb Brookings Institute, etc. start to become more prevalent

Chapter 29: The Coven

1971 and runup to 1972 campaign; coverage of events in the country; break-in at Dr. Fielding's by The Plumbers; attempts to prepare for 1972 campaign by dividing Democrats; disapproval of economic handling reversed by 'Nixon shock'; 2 Supreme Court justices (Black, Marshall) resigning; segway into 1972 campaign

Chapter 30: The Party of Jefferson, Jackson, and George Wallace

1972; chapter covers the 1972 campaign leadup; widespread sabotage of Democratic campaigns led to chaos; George Wallace became Democratic frontrunner; McGovern's campaign was left alone b/c determined easiest to beat; Vietnam peace proposals, POWs; China trip, equal rights ammendment

Chapter 31: The Spring Offensive

1972; campaign, Democratic primaries, Vietnam escalation, McGovern vs. Humphrey w/ Wallace as dealbreaker; Nixon, Godfather in WH; trials (Harrisburg 7, Harlem 4, Fort Hood 43); McGovern, the Democratic Barry Goldwater

Chapter 32: Celebrities

1972; assassination attempt on George Wallace, and attempt to plant left-wing propaganda literature in Arthur Bremer's apartment; Russian summit for SALT; Watergate break-in 1 and 2; CA primary (Humphrey vs. McGovern), Muskie come-back attempt; Watergate burglary number 3; fallout; growing number of connections to CRP, CIA, and WH; Nixon attempt to cover everything up from an FBI investigation with a CIA "national security" blanket; media concern was with the mess of the Democratic party, not Watergate

Chapter 33: In Which Playboy Bunnies, and Barbarella, and Tanya Inspire...

1972; Democratic/Republican National Conventions (Miami Beach); reformists overthrowing regulars/machine to nominate McGovern (candidates included Muskie, Chisholm, Scoop Jackson, Humphrey); Thomas Eagleton selected as running mate; Eagleton's mental illness history came up; Jane Fonda visit to North Vietnam; Nixon's economic "magic" (11% increase in federal discretionary spending); John Mitchell resignation; Republican National Convention, VVAW protests, disruptions, etc.

Chapter 34: Not Half Enough

1972 election; young people vs. Nixon's "law-and-order" middle-class base; indictment of Liddy and Hunt by Grand Jury; Nixon didn't campaign; Chapin-Segretti connection revealed (see All The President's Men); (October) stories about Watergate raising many questions, particularly at press conferences; Ziegler dodged many questions (nondenial denial); Watergate didn't have a big impact on polls; commercials (McGovern's: poorly done, ineffective; Nixon's: empty, effective, convincing bullshit); Nixon using his non-position (or contradicting positions) on Vietnam War to his advantage; won election with 60% of popular vote, all states' electoral votes except Massachusetts; felt dejected b/c it was McGovern's mistakes, not Nixon's strength, that won; low voter turnout proving neither candidate was desirable; and Republicans didn't sweep Congress (like LBJ did in 1964); author's conclusions about Nixonland, and how the conflict/fracture in society